The West is well aware of Russian actions in Ukraine that began with Russian armed forces annexing the Crimean peninsula in Marchas well as initiation of the war in Donbas, which unfortunately is still ongoing Shares By L.
The confrontation has a long history, but the terms on which the two sides now negotiate have changed dramatically from the days of strikebreakers and labor goons. Today, when a private-sector union and an employer negotiate their first contract, the union issues all the demands, offering in exchange only more of the labor peace that the employer presumably already enjoyed.
The best that a company can achieve in this scenario is to placate the union at minimal cost. But even if shifting power toward labor is desirable for organizers, browbeating management into making concessions may not be wise.
At a minimum, the effectiveness of such an approach will depend on economic and social conditions. Those conditions may have been favorable inwhen Congress passed the landmark National Labor Relations Act NLRA —guaranteeing the right of private-sector workers to unionize and bargain collectively for better pay and working conditions—but much has changed in some years.
Further, employment regulations, by embedding traditional areas of bargaining directly into the standard law of the workplace, have undermined the entire premise of the NLRA. The total employee share of national income— As its economic relevance has waned, Big Labor has mutated into a predominantly political force.
Republicans seem content to frustrate such efforts and watch the system continue to wither. What a missed opportunity.
Organized labor is neither inherently partisan nor inherently counterproductive economically. Other countries have implemented labor systems sharply different from—and more effective than—the American one.
Even within the U. A reformed legal framework for labor could help address several critical challenges, including the plight of less skilled workers struggling in the modern economy. Only 32 percent said yes. When respondents had the option of joining a union or participating on a cooperative management-employee committee for discussing problems, union support fell to 23 percent; the committee concept proved more than twice as popular.
The mids through the beginning of the s marked a high point for recent pro-union sentiment nationwide. Inwhen the survey was conducted, 57 percent of Americans viewed labor unions favorably. That figure fell as low as 41 percent during the Great Recession and has climbed only a little since then.
Inconstitutional amendments seeking to bar card-check campaigns won approval in four states. From toright-to-work laws weakening union power expanded into the former labor strongholds of Indiana, Wisconsin, and Michigan and now encompass the majority of states.
In a controversial essay, longtime organizer Rich Yeselson argues that efforts to reinvigorate the labor movement through new organizing campaigns are futile. VW decided to support the United Auto Workers UAW in what would have been the first successful campaign to organize employees of a foreign auto manufacturer in the American South.
For two years, management coordinated public statements with the union and let organizers into its facilities to meet with workers. The majority of workers gave organizers signed cards signaling support.
But when the secret ballots were counted in Februarythe unionization drive lost, to These results held even among active union members. Inworkplaces were largely unregulated, the Great Depression had pushed the working class to the brink, and widespread labor unrest was causing severe economic and social disruptions.
But sinceregulations have made superfluous most of the basic terms and conditions of employment that were the basis for collective bargaining. Federal law now provides a safety net of benefits for the elderly, disabled, and unemployed; a hour workweek, paid overtime, and a minimum wage; prohibitions on discrimination; workplace safety standards; personal leave; and a mandate that employers provide high-quality health insurance.
Yet unions must still find something to deliver to their dues-paying members. Thus, the prevalence of destructive work rules, circuitous grievance procedures, and counterproductive seniority systems in collective-bargaining agreements.
With most sensible restrictions already legally mandated, employers have two options: Codifying new work rules tends to cost little at first, since the parties usually design them aware of the limits of current operations—but unaware of how market demands and production technologies might change over time.Balancing the million fewer native-born Americans at work, there are 2 million more immigrants—legal and illegal—working in the United States today than in November Undocumented workers contribute about 3 percent of private-sector gross domestic product, or about $5 trillion over a decade, according to their paper, published by the National Bureau of Economic Founded: Sep 18, This essay delves deeply into the origins of the Vietnam War, critiques U.S.
justifications for intervention, examines the brutal conduct of the war, and discusses the . In my last post I discussed at length the question of rationality. I concluded that contrary to the opinion of behavioral economics, humans do make decisions that they believe to be in their best interests, in my view the correct definition of a rational decision.
from the magazine More Perfect Unions Organized labor’s adversarial approach has failed workers and society: it’s time for a new model. New hate crime tracker in India finds victims are predominantly Muslims, perpetrators Hindus (Nov 13, , regardbouddhiste.com) the world has become a progressively more frightening and dangerous place to live in for minorities of various kinds - religious, national, racial, linguistic, ethnic, and sexual - as well as for left and liberal dissidents.